By Dr. William Lane Craig
"Man," writes Loren Eisley, "is the Cosmic
Orphan." He is the only creature in the universe who asks,
Why? Other animals have instincts to guide them, but man has
learned to ask questions. "Who am I?" he asks.
"Why am I here? Where am I going?"
Ever since the Enlightenment, when modern man threw off the
shackles of religion, he has tried to answer these questions
without reference to God. But the answers that came back were not
exhilarating, but dark and terrible. "You are an accidental
by-product of nature, the result of matter plus time plus chance.
There is no reason for your existence. All you face is death.
Your life is but a spark in the infinite darkness, a spark that
appears, flickers, and dies forever."
Modern man thought that in divesting himself of God, he had
freed himself from all that stifled and repressed him. Instead,
he discovered that in killing God, he had also killed himself.
Against this background of the modern predicament, the
traditional Christian hope of the resurrection takes on an even
greater brightness and significance. It tells man that he is no
orphan after all, but the personal image of the Creator God of
the universe; nor is his life doomed in death, for through the
eschatological resurrection he may live in the presence of God
forever.
This is a wonderful hope. But, of course, hope that is not
founded in fact is not hope, but mere illusion. Why should the
Christian hope of eschatological resurrection appear to modern
man as anything more than mere wishful thinking? The answer lies
in the Christian conviction that a man has been proleptically
raised by God from the dead as the forerunner and exemplar of our
own eschatological resurrection. That man was Jesus of Nazareth,
and his historical resurrection from the dead constitutes the
factual foundation upon which the Christian hope is based.
Of course, during the last century liberal theology had no use
for the historical resurrection of Jesus. Since liberal
theologians retained the presupposition against the possibility
of miracles which they had inherited from the Deists, a
historical resurrection was a priori simply out of the
question for them. The mythological explanation of D. F. Strauss
enabled them to explain the resurrection accounts of the New
Testament as legendary fictions. The belief in the historical
resurrection was a hangover from antiquity which it was high time
for modern man to be rid of. Thus, in liberal theology's greatest
study of the historicity of the resurrection, Kirsopp Lake's The
Historical Evidence for the Resurrection of Jesus Christ
(1907), Lake carefully plots the legendary development of the
resurrection narratives from the root historical event of the
women's visit to the wrong tomb. He concludes that it is not the
end anyway: what is vital for Christian theology is the belief in
the immortality of the soul, the belief that our departed friends
and relatives are still alive and that in time we shall be
re-united with them. Thus, the NT has been replaced by the Phaedo.
Liberal theology could not survive World War I, but its demise
brought no renewed interest in the historicity of Jesus'
resurrection, for the two schools that succeeded it were united
in their devaluation of the historical with regard to Jesus.
Thus, dialectical theology, propounded by Karl Barth, championed
the doctrine of the resurrection, but would have nothing
to do with the resurrection as an event of history. In
his commentary on the book of Romans (1919), the early Barth
declared, "The resurrection touches history as a tangent
touches a circle-that is, without really touching it."
Existential theology, exemplified by Rudolf Bultmann, was even
more antithetical to the historicity of Jesus' resurrection.
Though Bultmann acknowledged that the earliest disciples believed
in the literal resurrection of Jesus and that Paul in I
Corinthians 15 even attempts to prove the resurrection, he
nevertheless pronounces such a procedure as "fatal." It
reduces Christ's resurrection to a nature miracle akin to the
resurrection of a corpse. And modern man cannot be reasonably
asked to believe in nature miracles before becoming a Christian.
Therefore, the miraculous elements of the gospel must be
demythologized to reveal the true Christian message: the call to
authentic existence in the face of death, symbolized by the
cross. The resurrection is merely a symbolic re-statement of the
message of the cross and essentially adds nothing to it. To
appeal to the resurrection as historical evidence, as did Paul,
is doubly wrong-headed, for it is of the very nature of
existential faith that it is a leap without evidence. Thus, to
argue historically for the resurrection is contrary to faith.
Clearly then, the antipathy of liberal theology to the
historicity of Jesus' resurrection remained unrelieved by either
dialectical or existential theology.
But a remarkable change has come about during the second half
of the 20th century. The first glimmerings of change began to
appear in 1953. In that year Ernst K�semann, a pupil of
Bultmann, argued at a Colloquy at the University of Marburg that
Bultmann's historical skepticism toward Jesus was unwarranted and
counterproductive and suggested re-opening the question of where
the historical about Jesus was to be found. A new quest of the
historical Jesus had begun. Three years later in 1956 the Marburg
theologian Hans Grass subjected the resurrection itself to
historical inquiry and concluded that the resurrection
appearances cannot be dismissed as mere subjective visions on the
part of the disciples, but were objective visionary events.
Meanwhile the church historian Hans Freiherr von Campenhausen
in an equally epochal essay defended the historical credibility
of Jesus' empty tomb. During the ensuing years a stream of works
on the historicity of Jesus' resurrection flowed forth from
German, French and English presses. By 1968 the old skepticism
was a spent force and began dramatically to recede. So complete
has been the turn-about during the second half of this century
concerning the resurrection of Jesus that it is no exaggeration
to speak of a reversal of scholarship on this issue, such that
those who deny the historicity of Jesus' resurrection now seem to
be the ones on the defensive. Perhaps one of the most significant
theological developments in this connection is the theological
system of Wolfhart Pannenberg, who bases his entire Christology
on the historical evidence for Jesus' ministry and especially the
resurrection. This is a development undreamed of in German
theology prior to 1950. Equally startling is the declaration of
one of the world's leading Jewish theologians Pinchas Lapid, that
he is convinced on the basis of the evidence that Jesus of
Nazareth rose from the dead. Lapide twits New Testament critics
like Bultmann and Marxsen for their unjustified skepticism and
concludes that he believes on the basis of the evidence that the
God of Israel raised Jesus from the dead.
What are the facts that underlie this remarkable reversal of
opinion concerning the credibility of the New Testament accounts
of the resurrection of Jesus? It seems to me that they can be
conveniently grouped under three heads: the resurrection
appearances, the empty tomb, and the origin of the Christian
faith. Let's look briefly at each.
First, the resurrection appearances. Undoubtedly the major
impetus for the reassessment of the appearance tradition was the
demonstration by Joachim Jeremias that in 1 Corinthians 15: 3-5
Paul is quoting an old Christian formula which he received and in
turn passed on to his converts According to Galatians 1:18 Paul
was in Jerusalem three years after his conversion on a
fact-finding mission, during which he conferred with Peter and
James over a two week period, and he probably received the
formula at this time, if not before. Since Paul was converted in
AD 33, this means that the list of witnesses goes back to within
the first five years after Jesus' death. Thus, it is idle to
dismiss these appearances as legendary. We can try to explain
them away as hallucinations if we wish, but we cannot deny they
occurred. Paul's information makes it certain that on separate
occasions various individuals and groups saw Jesus alive from the
dead. According to Norman Perrin, the late NT critic of the
University of Chicago: "The more we study the tradition with
regard to the appearances, the firmer the rock begins to appear
upon which they are based." This conclusion is virtually
indisputable.
At the same time that biblical scholarship has come to a new
appreciation of the historical credibility of Paul's information,
however, it must be admitted that skepticism concerning the
appearance traditions in the gospels persists. This lingering
skepticism seems to me to be entirely unjustified. It is based on
a presuppositional antipathy toward the physicalism of
the gospel appearance stories. But the traditions underlying
those appearance stories may well be as reliable as Paul's. For
in order for these stories to be in the main legendary, a very
considerable length of time must be available for the evolution
and development of the traditions until the historical elements
have been supplanted by unhistorical. This factor is typically
neglected in New Testament scholarship, as A. N. Sherwin-White
points out in Roman Law and Roman Society tn the New
Testament. Professor Sherwin-White is not a theologian; he
is an eminent historian of Roman and Greek times, roughly
contemporaneous with the NT. According to Professor
Sherwin-White, the sources for Roman history are usually biased
and removed at least one or two generations or even centuries
from the events they record. Yet, he says, historians reconstruct
with confidence what really happened. He chastises NT critics for
not realizing what invaluable sources they have in the gospels.
The writings of Herodotus furnish a test case for the rate of
legendary accumulation, and the tests show that even two
generations is too short a time span to allow legendary
tendencies to wipe out the hard core of historical facts. When
Professor Sherwin-White turns to the gospels, he states for these
to be legends, the rate of legendary accumulation would have to
be 'unbelievable'; more generations are needed. All NT scholars
agree that the gospels were written down and circulated within
the first generation, during the lifetime of the eyewitnesses.
Indeed, a significant new movement of biblical scholarship argues
persuasively that some of the gospels were written by the AD
50's. This places them as early as Paul's letter to the
Corinthians and, given their equal reliance upon prior tradition,
they ought therefore to be accorded the same weight of historical
credibility accorded Paul. It is instructive to note in this
connection that no apocryphal gospel appeared during the first
century. These did not arise until after the generation of
eyewitnesses had died off. These are better candidates for the
office of 'legendary fiction' than the canonical gospels. There
simply was insufficient time for significant accrual of legend by
the time of the gospels' composition. Thus, I find current
criticism's skepticism with regard to the appearance traditions
in the gospels to be unwarranted. The new appreciation of the
historical value of Paul's information needs to be accompanied by
a reassessment of the gospel traditions as well.
Second, the empty tomb. Once regarded as an offense to modern
intelligence and an embarrassment to Christian theology, the
empty tomb of Jesus has come to assume its place among the
generally accepted facts concerning the historical Jesus. Allow
me to review briefly some of the evidence undergirding this
connection.
(1) The historical reliability of the burial story
supports the empty tomb. If the burial account is accurate,
then the site of Jesus' grave was known to Jew and Christian
alike. In that case, it is a very short inference to historicity
of the empty tomb. For if Jesus had not risen and the burial site
were known:
(a) the disciples could never have believed in the
resurrection of Jesus. For a first century Jew the idea that a
man might be raised from the dead while his body remained in the
tomb was simply a contradiction in terms. In the words of E. E.
Ellis, "It is very unlikely that the earliest Palestinian
Christians could conceive of any distinction between resurrection
and physical, 'grave emptying' resurrection. To them an anastasis
without an empty grave would have been about as meaningful as a
square circle."
(b) Even if the disciples had believed in the resurrection of
Jesus, it is doubtful they would have generated any following. So
long as the body was interred in the tomb, a Christian movement
founded on belief in the resurrection of the dead man would have
been an impossible folly.
(c) The Jewish authorities would have exposed the whole
affair. The quickest and surest answer to the proclamation of the
resurrection of Jesus would have been simply to point to his
grave on the hillside.
For these three reasons, the accuracy of the burial story
supports the historicity of the empty tomb. Unfortunately for
those who wish to deny the empty tomb, however, the burial story
is one of the most historically certain traditions we have
concerning Jesus. Several factors undergird this judgment. To
mention only a few.
(i) The burial is mentioned in the third line of the
old Christian formula quoted by Paul in 1 Cor. 15.4.
(ii) It is part of the ancient pre-Markan passion
story which Mark used as a source for his gospel.
(iii) The story itself lacks any traces of legendary
development.
(iv) The story comports with archeological evidence
concerning the types and location of tombs extant in Jesus' day.
(v) No other competing burial traditions exist.
For these and other reasons, most scholars are united in the
judgment that the burial story is fundamentally historical. But
if that is the case, then, as I have explained, the inference
that the tomb was found empty is not very far at hand.
(2) Paul's testimony supports the fact of the empty tomb.
Here two aspects of Paul's evidence may be mentioned.
(a) In the formula cited by Paul the expression "he was
raised" following the phrase "he was buried"
implies the empty tomb. A first century Jew could not think
otherwise. As E. L. Bode observes, the notion of the occurrence
of a spiritual resurrection while the body remained in the tomb
is a peculiarity of modern theology. For the Jews it was the
remains of the man in the tomb which were raised; hence, they
carefully preserved the bones of the dead in ossuaries until the
eschatological resurrection. There can be no doubt that both Paul
and the early Christian formula he cites pre-suppose the
existence of the empty tomb.
(b) The phrase "on the third day" probably points to
the discovery of the empty tomb. Very briefly summarized, the
point is that since no one actually witnessed the resurrection of
Jesus, how did Christians come to date it "on the third
day?" The most probable answer is that they did so because
this was the day of the discovery of the empty tomb by Jesus'
women followers. Hence, the resurrection itself came to be dated
on that day. Thus, in the old Christian formula quoted by Paul we
have extremely early evidence for the existence of Jesus' empty
tomb.
(3) The empty tomb story is part of the pre-Markan passion
story and is therefore very old. The empty tomb story was
probably the end of Mark's passion source. As Mark is the
earliest of our gospels, this source is therefore itself quite
old. In fact the commentator R. Pesch contends that it is an
incredibly early source. He produces two lines of evidence for
this conclusion:
(a) Paul's account of the Last Supper in 1 Cor. 11:23-5
presupposes the Markan account. Since Paul's own traditions are
themselves very old, the Markan source must be yet older.
(b) The pre-Markan passion story never refers to the high
priest by name. It is as when I say "The President is
hosting a dinner at the White House" and everyone knows whom
I am speaking of because it is the man currently in office.
Similarly the pre-Markan passion story refers to the "high
priest" as if he were still in power. Since Caiaphas held
office from AD 18-37, this means at the latest the pre-Markan
source must come from within seven years after Jesus' death. This
source thus goes back to within the first few years of the
Jerusalem fellowship and is therefore an ancient and reliable
source of historical information.
(4) The story is simple and lacks legendary development.
The empty tomb story is uncolored by the theological and
apologetical motifs that would be characteristic of a later
legendary account. Perhaps the most forceful way to appreciate
this point is to compare it with the accounts of the empty tomb
found in apocryphal gospels of the second century. For example,
in the gospel of Peter a voice rings out from heaven during the
night, the stone rolls back of itself from the door of the tomb,
and two men descend from Heaven and enter the tomb. Then three
men are seen coming out of the tomb, the two supporting the
third. The heads of the two men stretch up to the clouds, but the
head of the third man overpasses the clouds. Then a cross comes
out of the tomb, and a voice asks, "Hast thou preached to
them that sleep?" And the cross answers, "Yea". In
the Ascension of Isaiah, Jesus comes out of the tomb sitting on
the shoulders of the angels Michael and Gabriel. These are how
real legends look: unlike the gospel accounts, they are colored
by theological motifs.
(5) The tomb was probably discovered empty by women.
To understand this point one has to recall two facts about the
role of women in Jewish society.
(a) Woman occupied a low rung on the Jewish social ladder.
This is evident in such rabbinic expressions as "Sooner let
the words of the law be burnt than delivered to women" and
"Happy is he whose children are male, but woe to him whose
children are female."
(b) The testimony of women was regarded as so worthless that
they were not even permitted to serve as legal witnesses in a
court of law. In light of these facts, how remarkable must it
seem that it is women who are the discoverers of Jesus' empty
tomb. Any later legend would certainly have made the male
disciples to discover the empty tomb. The fact that women, whose
testimony was worthless, rather than men, are the chief witnesses
to the empty tomb is most plausibly accounted for by the fact
that, like it or not, they were the discoverers of the empty tomb
and the gospels accurately record this.
(6) The earliest Jewish polemic presupposes the empty tomb.
In Matthew 28, we find the Christian attempt to refute the
earliest Jewish polemic against the resurrection. That polemic
asserted that the disciples stole away the body. The Christians
responded to this by reciting the story of the guard at the tomb,
and the polemic in turn charged that the guard fell asleep. Now
the noteworthy feature of this whole dispute is not the
historicity of the guards but rather the presupposition of both
parties that the body was missing. The earliest Jewish response
to the proclamation of the resurrection was an attempt to explain
away the empty tomb. Thus, the evidence of the adversaries of the
disciples provides evidence in support of the empty tomb.
One could go on, but perhaps enough has been said to indicate
why the judgment of scholarship has reversed itself on the
historicity of the empty tomb. According to Jakob Kremer,
"By far most exegetes hold firmly to the reliability of the
biblical statements concerning the empty tomb" and he
furnishes a list, to which his own name may be added, of
twenty-eight prominent scholars in support. I can think of at
least sixteen more names that he failed to mention. Thus, it is
today widely recognized that the empty tomb of Jesus is a simple
historical fact. As D. H. van Daalen has pointed out, "It is
extremely difficult to object to the empty tomb on historical
grounds; those who deny it do so on the basis of theological or
philosophical assumptions." But assumptions may simply have
to be changed in light of historical facts.
Finally, we may turn to that third body of evidence supporting
the resurrection: the very origin of the Christian Way. Even the
most skeptical scholars admit that the earliest disciples at
least believed that Jesus had been raised from the dead. Indeed,
they pinned nearly everything on it. Without belief in the
resurrection of Jesus, Christianity could never have come into
being. The crucifixion would have remained the final tragedy in
the hapless life of Jesus. The origin of Christianity hinges on
the belief of these earliest disciples that Jesus had risen from
the dead. The question now inevitably arises: how does one
explain the origin of that belief? As R. H. Fuller urges, even
the most skeptical critic must posit some mysterious X to get the
movement going. But the question is, what was that X?
If one denies that Jesus really did rise from the dead, then
he must explain the disciples' belief that he did rise either in
terms of Jewish influences or in terms of Christian influences.
Now clearly, it can't be the result of Christian influences, for
at that time there wasn't any Christianity yet! Since belief in
Jesus' resurrection was the foundation for the origin of the
Christian faith, it can't be a belief formed as a result of that
faith.
But neither can the belief in the resurrection be explained as
a result of Jewish influences. To see this we need to back up a
moment. In the Old Testament, the Jewish belief in the
resurrection of the dead on the day of judgment is mentioned in
three places (Ezekiel 37; Isaiah 26, 19, Daniel 12.2). During the
time between the Old Testament and the New Testament, the belief
in resurrection flowered and is often mentioned in the Jewish
literature of that period. In Jesus' day the Jewish party of the
Pharisees held to belief in resurrection, and Jesus sided with
them on this score in opposition to the party of the Sadducees.
So the idea of resurrection was itself nothing new.
But the Jewish conception of resurrection differed in two
important, fundamental respects from Jesus' resurrection. In
Jewish thought the resurrection always (1) occurred
after the end of the world, not within history, and (2) concerned
all the people, not just an isolated individual. In
contradistinction to this, Jesus' resurrection was both within
history and of one individual person.
With regard to the first point, the Jewish belief was always
that at the end of history, God would raise the righteous dead
and receive them into His Kingdom. There are, to be sure,
examples in the Old Testament of resuscitations of the
dead; but these persons would die again. The resurrection to
eternal life and glory occurred after the end of the world. We
find this Jewish outlook in the gospels themselves. Thus, when
Jesus assures Martha that her brother Lazarus will rise again,
she responds, "I know that he will rise again in the
resurrection at the last day" (John 11.24). She has no idea
that Jesus is about to bring him back to life. Similarly, when
Jesus tells his disciples he will rise from the dead, they think
he means at the end of the world (Mark 9.9-13). The idea
that a true resurrection could occur prior to God's bringing the
Kingdom of Heaven at the end of the world was utterly foreign to
them. The greatly renowned German New Testament scholar Joachim
Jeremias writes,
Ancient Judaism did not know of an anticipated
resurrection as an event of history. Nowhere does one find in
the literature anything comparable to the resurrection of
Jesus. Certainly resurrections of the dead were known, but
these always concerned resuscitations, the return to the
earthly life. In no place in the late Judaic literature does
it concern a resurrection to doxa (glory) as an
event of history.
The disciples, therefore, confronted with Jesus' crucifixion
and death, would only have looked forward to the resurrection at
the final day and would probably have carefully kept their
master's tomb as a shrine, where his bones could reside until the
resurrection. They would not have come up with the idea that he
was already raised.
As for the second point, the Jewish idea of resurrection was
always of a general resurrection of the dead, not an isolated
individual. It was the people, or mankind as a whole, that God
raised up in the resurrection. But in Jesus' resurrection, God
raised just a single man. Moreover, there was no concept of the
people's resurrection in some way hinging on the Messiah's
resurrection. That was just totally unknown. Yet that is
precisely what is said to have occurred in Jesus' case. Ulrich
Wilckens, another prominent German New Testament critic,
explains:
For nowhere do the Jewish texts speak of the resurrection
of an individual which already occurs before the resurrection
of the righteous in the end time and is differentiated and
separate from it; nowhere does the participation of the
righteous in the salvation at the end time depend on their
belonging to the Messiah, who was raised in advance as the
'First of those raised by God.' (1 Corinthians 15:20)
It is therefore evident that the disciples would not as a
result of Jewish influences or background have come up with the
idea that Jesus alone had been raised from the dead. They would
wait with longing for that day when He and all the righteous of
Israel would be raised by God to glory.
The disciples' belief in Jesus' resurrection, therefore,
cannot be explained as the result of either Christian or Jewish
influences. Left to themselves, the disciples would never have
come up with such an idea as Jesus' resurrection. And remember:
they were fishermen and tax collectors, not theologians. The
mysterious X is still missing. According to C. F. D. Moule of
Cambridge University, here is a belief nothing in terms of
previous historical influences can account for. He points out
that we have a situation in which a large number of people held
firmly to this belief, which cannot be explained in terms of the
Old Testament or the Pharisees, and these people held onto this
belief until the Jews finally threw them out of the synagogue.
According to Professor Moule, the origin of this belief must have
been the fact that Jesus really did rise from the dead:
If the coming into existence of the Nazarenes, a
phenomenon undeniably attested by the New Testament, rips a
great hole in history, a hole of the size and shape of the
Resurrection, what does the secular historian propose to stop
it up with?. . . the birth and rapid rise of the Christian
Church. . . remain an unsolved enigma for any historian
who refuses to take seriously the only explanation offered by
the church itself.
The resurrection of Jesus is therefore the best explanation
for the origin of the Christian faith. Taken together, these
three great historical facts--the resurrection appearances, the
empty tomb, the origin of the Christian faith--seem to point to
the resurrection of Jesus as the most plausible explanation.
But of course there have been other explanations proffered to
account for the resurrection appearances, the empty tomb, and the
origin of the Christian faith. In the judgment of modern
scholarship, however, these have failed to provide a plausible
account of the facts of the case. This can be seen by a rapid
review of the principal explanations that have been offered.
A. The disciples stole Jesus' corpse and lied about the
resurrection appearances. This explanation characterized the
earliest Jewish anti-Christian polemic and was revived in the
form of the conspiracy theory of eighteenth century Deism. The
theory has been universally rejected by critical scholars and
survives only in the popular press. To name only two
considerations decisive against it: (i) it is morally
impossible to indict the disciples of Jesus with such a crime.
Whatever their imperfections, they were certainly good, earnest
men and women, not impostors. No one who reads the New Testament
unprejudicially can doubt the evident sincerity of these early
believers. (ii) It is psychologically impossible to
attribute to the disciples the cunning and dering- do requisite
for such a ruse. At the time of the crucifixion, the disciples
were confused, disorganized, fearful, doubting, and burdened with
mourning-not mentally motivated or equipped to engineer such a
wild hoax. Hence, to explain the empty tomb and resurrection
appearances by a conspiracy theory seems out of the question.
B. Jesus did not die on the cross, but was taken down and
placed alive in the tomb, where he revived and escaped to
convince the disciples he had risen from the dead. This apparent
death theory was championed by the late eighteenth/early
nineteenth century German rationalists, and was even embraced by
the father of modern theology, F. D. E. Schleiermacher. Today,
however, the theory has been entirely given up: (i) it
would be virtually impossible medically for Jesus to have
survived the rigors of his torture and crucifixion, much less not
to have died of exposure in the tomb. (ii) The theory is
religiously inadequate, since a half-dead Jesus desperately in
need of medical attention would not have elicited in the
disciples worship of him as the exalted Risen Lord and Conqueror
of Death. Moreover, since Jesus on this hypothesis knew he had
not actually triumphed over death, the theory reduces him to the
life of a charlatan who tricked the disciples into believing he
had risen, which is absurd. These reasons alone make the apparent
death theory untenable.
C. The disciples projected hallucinations of Jesus after his
death, from which they mistakenly inferred his resurrection. The
hallucination theory became popular during the nineteenth century
and carried over into the first half of the twentieth century as
well. Again, however, there are good grounds for rejecting this
hypothesis: (i) it is psychologically implausible to
posit such a chain of hallucinations. Hallucinations are usually
associated with mental illness or drugs; but in the disciples'
case the prior psycho-biological preparation appears to be
wanting. The disciples had no anticipation of seeing Jesus alive
again; all they could do was wait to be reunited with him in the
Kingdom of God. There were no grounds leading them to hallucinate
him alive from the dead. Moreover, the frequency and variety of
circumstances belie the hallucination theory: Jesus was seen not
once, but many times; not by one person, but by several; not only
by individuals, but also by groups; not at one locale and
circumstance but at many; not by believers only, but by skeptics
and unbelievers as well. The hallucination theory cannot be
plausibly stretched to accommodate such diversity. (ii)
Hallucinations would not in any case have led to belief in Jesus'
resurrection. As projections of one's own mind, hallucinations
cannot contain anything not already in the mind. But we have seen
that Jesus' resurrection differed from the Jewish conception in
two fundamental ways. Given their Jewish frame of thought, the
disciples, were they to hallucinate, would have projected visions
of Jesus glorified in Abraham's bosom, where Israel's righteous
dead abode until the eschatological resurrection. Thus,
hallucinations would not have elicited belief in Jesus'
resurrection, an idea that ran solidly against the Jewish mode of
thought. (iii) Nor can hallucinations account for the
full scope of the evidence. They are offered as an explanation of
the resurrection appearances, but leave the empty tomb
unexplained, and therefore fail as a complete and satisfying
answer. Hence, it seems that the hallucination hypothesis is not
more successful than its defunct forebears in providing a
plausible counter-explanation of the data surrounding Christ's
resurrection.
Thus, none of the previous counter-explanations can account
for the evidence as plausibly as the resurrection itself. One
might ask, "Well, then, how do skeptical scholars
explain the facts of the resurrection appearances, the empty
tomb, and the origin of the Christian faith?" The fact of
the matter is, they don't. Modern scholarship recognizes
no plausible explanatory alternative to the resurrection of
Jesus. Those who refuse to accept the resurrection as a fact of
history are simply self-confessedly left without an explanation.
These three great facts--the resurrection appearances, the
empty tomb, and the origin of the Christian faith--all point
unavoidably to one conclusion: The resurrection of Jesus. Today
the rational man can hardly be blamed if he believes that on that
first Easter morning a divine miracle occurred.
Source: William Lane Craig, "Contemporary Scholarship and the Historical Evidence for the Resurrection of Jesus Christ," Truth 1 (1985): 89-95.